Home » Languages » English (Sr. Secondary) » Solved Exercise for Precis writing with Title “Checking the Spread of Communism” Precis for Class 9, 10, 11, 12 and Higher classes.

Solved Exercise for Precis writing with Title “Checking the Spread of Communism” Precis for Class 9, 10, 11, 12 and Higher classes.

Passages with Solved Precis

Nothing is gained, in any discussion of communism by treating it as’ a wicked doctrine which would never have arisen if a handful of criminal adventurers had not devoted themselves to its propagation. Like any other system or belief, its rise is the outcome of its environment, and its acceptance by large bodies of men is no more unnatural than their acceptance of other creeds. Those to whom it appears either wicked or impossible, too important, either from the quality of its adherents or the stubbornness of the facts it seeks to transform to be worth sympathetic analysis, will do well to remember that in the early history of Christianity, the futility of its proponents and the folly of its doctrines probably seemed as obvious to the supporters of Roman system.

It is, of course, a dangerous doctrine. Its application involves tremendous risks, even on the showing of communists themselves. If we assure the possibility of its success, the cost of establishing it would be enormously high; while an attempt that ended in failure might easily, by the scale of conflict it would arouse, come near to the destruction of civilized life. Neither prospect, it should-be said at once, is any guarantee that the effort will not be made to give it application. As few doctrines in the world today it commands a devoted service of which no man is entitled to under, estimate the significance its adherents are not turned from their purpose either by imprisonment or death. In Germany and in Bulgaria, in Hungary and in the Far East, there is no danger they have not been willing to face in the desire to communicate their faith to others. They have the passionate zeal of the Jesuit missionary who sets out to conquer a new world for his creed.

The communist, moreover, is playing with combustible material. Even those who reject his principles must admit the large degree of truth in the indictment that he brings to the present social order. Neither our methods of production, nor our principles of distribution are capable of explanation in terms of social justice. The glaring inequalities that surround us on every side are hardly capable of overstatement. The liberation of the human spirit has not nearly kept pace with the conquest of nature by scientific discovery. The gain of living is denied to the majority of those who toil. And the more widely the realization of these disparities is spread, the more intensely do men feel that they are intolerable. That is more natural in the disillusionment that follows upon a great war. Men feel that if they are to risk their lives for the States, its benefits should be proportionate to the danger.

It is in that mood of doubt that the masses meet the idealism of the communist faith. They hear an indictment of the conditions under which they live, which largely corresponds to their own experience. They are warned that they cannot trust their rulers for the changes which will meet their needs. They are promised, in return for their energetic solidarity an equal share in the gain of living as well as in its toil, a world in which there is principle instead of chaos,’ justice instead of privilege. To man whose environment is poisoned by insecurity, and for whom, in general, there is little hope of future benefit, the only wonder is that the promise has not proved more seductive. Certainly, to counter its seduction means the alteration of the present social order by concessions large in scope and profundity roan any ruling class has so far been willing to make by voluntary act. It means all owing the democracy to have its =away in every department of communal life, an acceptance, wholeheartedly, or Matthew Arnold’s prescription, to choose equality and flee greed. Yet it hardly be denied that there were, in every community group of powerful men who make it a matter of principle to deny the validity of all concession. They display are ignorant hostility to change every whit as dangerous and provocative as the challenge they confront. They are as satisfied with the world about them, and as unconscious of its inadequacies as the Duke of Wellington in 1832. They equate doubts of the world as it is with something like originals sin; and they treat .hem with the same self-righteous cruelty as religions have in fr e past treated from their announced principles. They feel, like General Cavaignac, that a social order which allows its principles to be examined, and still more, rejected, is already lest. Their blindness drives the timid to despair and the bold to desperation. They are as unprepared for the politics of rational compromise as the most extreme of their opponents and by their obstinacy, they produce the very situations they desire to prevent. They do not see either the inevitability of large change, or the fact that it is desirable, and possible, to convert those changes in terms of the Wain wants and needs of men. They talk of the right of property as though these were some dread. Absolute, instead of principles as shifting and inconstant as anything in the historic record. They arrogate to themselves liberty to deny while they refuse to their opponents liberty to affirm.

Yet the demands they confront do not decrease in volume; and every arrest of their satisfaction is a victory for the forces of disruption. The only way to defeat these is to prove to their audience that you can better respond to its wands and propose to do so. For we cannot postulate the basic identity of human nature and continue to refuse an adequate response to similar need. We can do it the less as men at once greave conscious of their powers and aware of the irrational difference as in response to need.

It is thought by some that the dubious result of the Russian experiment, the cost, future, or what success it has won, will ultimately persuade men of the errors of communism. That it may be suggested is a mistaken calculation FO long as there exist large classes of men and women who were conscious of inadequate and frustrated lives. The French Revolution lit flames in the hearts of mankind which because it responded to something fundamental in human nature, neither its errors nor its crimes could quench. What the working classes of the world see in Russia is less what its revolution denies than what it affirms. They see a State which with all its faults and weaknesses, seems to them to lie at the service of men like themselves. They recognize in the demands it makes, and the principles to which it gives allegiance, their own demands and principles. We may admit that they are uncertain whether its gains outright the price paid for them; we may also agree that they resent the efforts of its leaders to force them to imitate the Russian example. But the indignation they display when (as in 1920) the security of Russia is challenged is evidence that, in an ultimate sense the idea of the Russian Revolution stands for something of permanent value to them. The businessman sees the exaltation of the common man. The supporters of the old order warn the workers of the low level of wages, the discomfort of bad housing the absence of political and intellectual freedom.

To the workers, however, the things of importance are the facts that all must toil, that communal experiment is in the interest of the masses, that no one is preferred save in terms of principles; and they have an uneasy suspicion that this atmosphere may largely compensate for the merits of the older way of life sc far as they share in them. The world, in fact has to find response to the promise of communism in alternative forms; or it will discover that neither the excesses nor the follies of the Russian experiment will lessen its power to compel kinder action.


Checking the Spread of Communism

No useful purpose will be served in condemning Communism as wicked. Its acceptance by multitudes is naturally ensured by conditions governing its growth. Those conscious of its wicked character should remember that the supporters of the Roman system were also fully alive to its unpleasant aspects. Application of its doctrines is beset with risks. Its success will entail high cost and its failure spell destruction of civilized life by the large scale contest it will incite; but in both cases no effort will be spared in its application. It is significant that its followers are determined and have risked their all to spread its principles to the Eastern countries with a missionary zeal.

The glaring feature of communism in the context of economic and political theory lies in its adverse reflection on the non-Communist concepts. Unequal distribution of production among those who labour for it creates a feeling that they have been denied justice which causes dissatisfaction in them. Exponents of Communism bring to lime-light their miserable economic condition to the masses which they themselves do not fail to realize by experience. They are assured under Communist regime equitable share in what they produce by their labour a world ruled by labour and not by the privileged few. Mere condemnation of Communism in bitterest terms will not stem the tide. In order to check its spread, the ruling class under the aegis of democracy should allow the masses an appreciable measure of material equality. It is a fact that some groups of men who wield political power have a feeling of satisfaction with existing conditions and react with hostility to any challenge to their cherished principles or any demand for concessions. Unmindful of a drastic change in the view points of the masses they cannot persuade themselves into striking a compromise in their efforts to meet the needs of the people. If capitalist democracies and their adherents who believe in fundamental equality of human beings refuse to guarantee and give to the labourers an equal share in what they produce they will cause them dissatisfaction and force to seek refuge under Communism. It is erroneous to believe that people will find fault with Communism in view of the doubtful result of the Russian Revolution together with its cost and measure of success it has attained. So long as there exist people bitterly conscious of non-existence of bare means of living, dissatisfaction is bound to hold its own sway. The French Revolution appealed to mankind because it presented the prospect of meeting their basic needs in utter disregard of its errors or horrifying atrocities, Working classes of the world are appreciative of the Russian Revolution in what the State vouchsafes to the people believing in the basic equality of all men. They see identity of their principles and demands which the Soviet Russia espouses. Allowing for its shortcoming in certain respects, it can be safely conceded that the Russian Revolution has an abiding value. In the post-Revolution era, the businessman is interested in the uplift of the labourer and the supporter of the old order points to the evil of poor housing conditions and non-existence of political freedom. Workers set much value to the need that there should be adequate compensation for their labours and therefore give preference to the new Revolutionary order. In view of all this, it is desirable that democracies of the world should create a new system better than Communism.


( Words – 578)


The main objective of this website is to provide quality study material to all students (from 1st to 12th class of any board) irrespective of their background as our motto is “Education for Everyone”. It is also a very good platform for teachers who want to share their valuable knowledge.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *