Essay, Paragraph or Speech on “Nuclear Arms Race in Asia” Complete Essay, Speech for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Nuclear Arms Race in Asia

Asia may been the verge of a new arms race involving nuclear weapons missiles. Two broad emerging trends are likely to propel the great powers of Asia into a nuclear dynamism that could have a significant con-sequences for the Indian security policy.

One is the ongoing modernization of Chines atomic arsenal sharply brought into focus by Bejing nuclear blast, and its text of advanced intercontinental missile in 1995. The other relates to the plans of the United States, Russia and Japan to develop and deploy missile defence also called the sons of wars. These two friends could feed into each other and engulf Asia, in an unprecedented arms race involving the introduction of additional nuclear weapons and defensive systems against nuclear tipped missiles.

The Americans plans to press ahead with the development and deployment of theatre missile for defence.

Stars wars proposals in the early 1980 could have a strong effect on the current Chinese nuclear doctrine and may force Beijing to accelerate a rapid Chinese nuclear modernization in the content of growing apprehensions. Beijing’s political objectives could, in turn, reinforce the missile defence efforts of Tokyo, Washington and Moscow, pushing Asia into classic arms race.

For about three decades China had rallied on a small nuclear force without about 300 nuclear warheads now deployed for its determining adversaries. So long as the U.S., Russian military remained the central element of the international system, China was content with minimum deterrent force and had no laxity of going slow with the introduction of new weapons into its atomic arsenal.

But a relaxed Chinese nuclear posture reflected in the doctrine of minimum deterrence could soon become history.

Chinese strategies are said to be pushed for significant expansion of the size as well as the range of its nuclear inventory there are reports suggesting China could move towards a doctrine called flexible response that calls for nuclear engagement with a potential adversary at all levels and involves the development and deployment of many weapons.

Feeding into the new nuclear strategy in the momentum towards building missile defence in the U.S. the real and perceived fears about the spread of ballistic missiles around the world have helped create a strong bipartisansupport for the sons of stars wars in Washington. The Bush administration is pressing ahead with plans for the deployment of theatre missiles defences armed with protecting its forward deployed forces in and around the Euro-Asia in landmass.

Declaring their intent in the joint development of Star War technologies and weapon systems at the recent Moscow summit, the U.S. President, Mr. Bill Clinton and the Russian President Mr. Valdimir Putin said in a joint statement that they will take every effort towards goal of broadening bilateral cooperation in the area of defence against ballistic missiles.

In committing themselves to cooperation in missile defence Washington and Moscow may have begun to rewrite the rules of global nuclear game. For about four decade peace between the cold war rivals was kept by the balance of nuclear terror, under which both the US and Russia had the ability to destroy each other after absorbing a nuclear strike but neither side had the capability to defend against nuclear attack. It was this nuclear vulnerability that kept the nuclear powers in check.

In developing a new set of principles for strategic stability in the post cold war world Washington and Moscow have now agreed to introduce missiles defence into the nuclear equation. Although they are justifying the drift towards star war in the name of missile proliferation for the developing world. China fears that in a world of missile defences, its primitive nuclear deterrent may increasingly get obsolete and relevant. Besides the worries about the new defence being adopted by the nuclear superpower. China is also concerned about U.S. and Japanese plans to jointly deploy missile defences in Asia. This is a growing sentiments in Japan in favour for building theatre missile systems defences and many in Tokyo argue that U.S. Japanese cooperation in building missile defence will be the litmus test of continuing American security commitment to Japan.

Although Tokyo justifies the need for theatre missile defence on the ground that North Korea is acquiring modern missile technique that could be targeted on Japan. It is not aware that an advanced missiles defence capability could provide it with a means to balance the Chinese nuclear capabilities. Tokyo’s outrage at the recent Chinese nuclear test and its assertiveness in quickly announcing an aid cut off against Beijing suggest a growing anger in Japan about the expanding Chinese nuclear and military capabilities.

China has been steadily moving towards improving the accuracy of its missiles, considering relevance of tactical nuclear weapons, and. the introduction of multiple warhead on its nuclear deterrent and a significant expansion of its nuclear arsenal. Beijing fears that the credibility of its nuclear deterrent may come under challenge and that it may be subjected to strategic black mail by its potential adversaries, the U.S. in particular.

The complex nuclear and missile race may be about to begin in Asia involving all the great powers China, Russia and Japan and the United States further destabilising the already uncertain strategic environment in Asia. At stake for Washington and Beijing may be nothing less than the future primacy in Asia. Russia needs to remain a power of consequences in Asia and Japan needs to expand its weight in the emerging Asian balance of power. Nuclear Weapons and whole range of new technologies being developed including those that can help missile to shoot down under the star wars programmes could become critical in the new struggle for dominance over a prosperous Asia.

If India is to gain some strategic relevance in Asia New Delhi must transform. An Indian nuclear policy should have three components. First a vigorous promotion of the global abolition of nuclear weapons and missiles. Second a sharper focus on the emerging dangers of a new arms race in Asia. India needs to step up its nuclear dialogue at the official and non-governmental levels with China and Japan.

Finally as a hedge against these campaigns, India may have to reconsider its current nuclear and missiles restraint. New Delhi must carefully evaluate its current support for a nuclear test ban and a convention to cut off the production of nuclear material and create the basis for responding effectively to a wide variety of future nuclear scenarios in Asia sound.